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Are you interested in the Intertestamental Period? This article reviews the four hundred years prior to John the Baptist that lays a rich historical framework for the ministry of Jesus Christ.

Introduction

The paradoxical realization that a tumultuous and ruthless historical and political atmosphere would usher the Prince of Peace into humanity can be difficult for students of the gospel to reconcile. An understanding of the Intertestamental Period’s history and politically charged climate will illustrate evidence of Divine Providence weaving through approximately four-hundred years of antiquity, culminating in an optimal environment for the expansion and fulfillment of the Great Commission. The forthcoming study will explore a brief history of the Intertestamental Period, specifically, the Grecian, Ptolemaic, Seleucid, Maccabean, Hasmonean and Roman periods, and their respective ramifications for the Jewish people and the land of Palestine. Discussion will include the impact of Caesar Augustus and the development of Pax Romana on the first century world of the New Testament.

Grecian Period

Historical evidence of the hand of God at work to prepare the way for his own Son is poignantly illustrated through one impassioned ruler. A child prodigy under the tutelage of Aristotle by age 13, Alexander the Great had an insatiable thirst for knowledge that undoubtedly cultivated his phenomenal military genius.[1] Subsequent leadership experience gained in the Battle of Chaeronea under his father, Philip, prepared the adolescent Alexander for his ascension to the Macedonian throne following his father’s death.[2] Alexander aspired to conquer and rule all of Persia and in 334 B.C. he entered Asia Minor and defeated Persian forces at the Battle of the Granicus River, then conducted successful advances against Ephesus, Miletus, Halicarnassus, and Issus.[3] Seven months of stiff competition resulted in the fulfillment of the prophecy of Ezekiel 26:3 as Alexander the Great conquered Tyre and besieged Gaza two months later.[4] The ambitious young leader had effectively established himself as the ruler of the entire Middle East.[5]

The impact on the Jewish community of Alexander’s ultimate dream of a “single world-wide empire based on unity of language, custom and culture” began to materialize even prior to his death.[6] During a visit to Jerusalem, Juddua, a Jewish high priest, was allegedly prompted through a dream to inform Alexander of his role in the fulfillment of a prophecy in Daniel, which precipitated Jewish freedom to follow their ancestral laws.[7] The ramifications of Alexander’s political triumphs included the spread of Hellenism, the universal integration of the Greek language, enhanced transportation and erosion of socioeconomic barriers ultimately culminating in a “widespread dispersion of Jews,” assisting in the preparation of a global Divine intervention.[8] However, even before the illustrious conqueror was laid to rest in 323 B.C. a battle for his kingdom ensued.[9] 

Ptolemaic Period

“To the strongest” was Alexander’s indeterminate solution to the appointment of his successor, [10] spawning conflict between four emerging generals.[11] An alliance between Ptolemy, Cassander and Lysimachus toppled Antigonus’ plan to replace Alexander, which eventually resulted in the assignment of Egypt to Ptolemy, Syria to Lysimachus and Babylon to an Alexandrian general, Seleucus Nicator, in a potentially prophetic fulfillment of Daniel 11:4.[12] Intermittent warfare continued for approximately forty more years as Alexander’s empire was ultimately dichotomized between the Ptolemies as rulers of Egypt, Palestine and Phoenicia and the Seleucids as rulers of Asia Minor, Syria and Mesopotamia.[13]

Under Ptolemaic rule, the population of Egyptian Jews flourished in an environment of autonomy that encouraged the deepening of a Jewish faith community permitted to build synagogues and follow ancestral laws.[14] Jewish scholars in the Egyptian city of Alexandria produced the Septuagint, the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures, effectuating the profound impact of a “bond uniting the Jews of widely scattered Dispersion” and an “instrument for the propagation of Judaism throughout the Greek-speaking world.”[15] Although the Greek cultural backdrop that encapsulated many Jews would also have an “immeasurable influence on the life”[16] of the Dispersion and of Palestine over the next few centuries, the imminent decline of the current Ptolemaic reign accentuated more immediate concerns of impending doom toward a Jewish nation.[17]   

Seleucid Period

In 198 B.C. control of Palestine was transferred from the Egyptian Ptolemies to the Syrian Seleucids led by the impressive command of Antiochus III at the Battle of Paneas.[18] Antiochus III was murdered in 187 B.C. and replaced by his son Seleucus IV, who, while continuing moderate Jewish tolerance, secured the release of his brother, Antiochus IV, who was held captive by the Romans.[19] Upon Seleucus’ death in 175 B.C. Antiochus established himself as king facing three serious impediments to his reign including a desperate need for money, a lack of national unity, and the threat of neighboring countries.[20] Accordingly, to further his initiatives Antiochus accepted a bribe from Jason, the brother of the Jewish high priest Onias III, of 440 talents and a commitment to unify the nation via the introduction of Hellenism in return for appointing the traitor to the position of high priest.[21] The corrupt behavior enraged the Jews who, led by Jason after his removal by Menelaus’ bigger bribe,[22] executed a mass murder of all the Seleucid officials upon receipt of a fallacious rumor of Antiochus’ death.[23] The retaliation of Antiochus on Jerusalem was brutal and included the desecration of the Temple[24] and the murder of 80,000 in three days.[25] Subsequent to an embarrassing defeat in Egypt in 168 B.C. Antiochus, the madman, determined to completely obliterate the Jewish religion by prohibiting adherence to ancestral laws, “substituting pagan altars, instituting the sacrifice of pigs” and threatening torture and death to all who did not adhere to his mandates.[26]

As control of Palestine transferred to Syria during the Seleucid period, the Jewish Diaspora grew as the Egyptian Jews were politically separated from those in Palestine, “a situation that was to have serious consequences for Judaism.”[27] However, during the persecution of Antiochus, the Jewish nation increased their resolve and heroic spirit in “confirming rather than dispersing its individuality”[28] as they experienced the first attempt at religious extermination.[29] Fortunately, as in future generations, reinforcements converged, and in 166 B.C. they aligned under the courageous leadership of a Jewish patriarch’s family.[30]

Maccabean Period

An agent of Antiochus arrived in a village of the Jewish priest, Matthathias, and demanded that all publicly renounce their faith.[31] The priest defied the order and slew a capricious Jew who acquiesced then murdered a Syrian officer and fled to the mountains of Judaea with his five sons where it was decided to defend the holy Covenant to the death.[32] Upon Matthathias’ death, his “third son Judas, nicknamed Maccabeus (‘the hammer’)” took the reign of leadership and organized a successful military campaign of guerilla warfare with approximately 3,000 men. The pursuant treaty granted religious freedom to the Jews[33] whereby “the Temple was purged of all idols and rededicated to the Lord and continues to be celebrated as the Feast of Hanukkah.”[34] However, what originated as a religious rebellion morphed into a campaign for political independence from Syria and precipitated Judas’ death at the hands of the Syrian army.[35] Jonathon, Judas’ brother, accepted the leadership role in the anti-Syrian movement and, after seven years of consolidating his forces, was approached by Syrian leaders, Demetrius and Balas, for military support.[36] Jonathon now had garnered the role of “master of Judaea”[37] but was murdered by a deceptive Syrian leader apprehensive of Jonathon’s extensive power.[38] Simon, the only living son of Matthathias assumed leadership of the political movement and initiated negotiations with Syrian ruler Demetrius II who finally “recognized Judaea as a sovereign and independent country,” a status that endured for approximately seventy years.[39]

Although some perceived the Maccabees as incredible proponents of Jewish religious freedom, many contend that the real heroes were the martyrs, and diminish the prominence of the military family’s legacy.[40] Gowan suggests the enduring significance of this period may be in the understandable difficulty the Jewish community, under the memory of Antiochus, will have in recognizing opposition to Judaism as anything other than a force of Satan, which “tended to color the way the Jews viewed the later, inherently less reprehensible, interference of the other Gentiles in their lives.”[41] And although a Hellenistic political force ceased to exist during the Maccabean period, Hellenistic ideals continued to influence the Jewish population for centuries and, unfortunately, quickly infiltrated the family dynasty that gave their very lives to eradicate its repugnant effects.[42]

Hasmonean Period

Simon and two of his sons were murdered by his son-in-law Ptolemy in a deplorable and ultimately inane act of political ambition[43] which resulted in Simon’s third son, John Hyrcanus, assuming the position of high priest and leading brilliantly until his death in 106 B.C.[44] Hyrcanus’ successors, Aristobulus I and Alexander Jannaeus, were tyrannical and ruthless which enhanced the energy and popularity of oppositional Jewish sects they violently trampled.[45] Upon Jannaeus’ death, his wife Alexandra assumed the rank of Queen[46] and redirected the emphasis toward peace and prosperity.[47] Her reforms included restoring Jewish ceremonies, curtailing Sadducaic control of the Temple, initiating mandatory educations system for Jewish children and enhancing appreciation for Pharisaic contributions so society.[48] Alexandra designated her son Hyrcanus II as her successor, however, her son Aristobulus II forcefully disagreed and vanquished his brother.[49] Antipater, father of Herod the Great, fearful of losing political clout under Aristobulus’ reign, insidiously convinced Hyrcanus to pursue the reacquisition of his position of power which, in effect, induced a civil war.[50] “To terminate the struggle, both brothers appealed to Rome, which at this juncture inaugurated roman politics in Palestine, and from this time forth Rome was to exercise a lasting influence upon Judea and the period of the New Testament.”[51]

A number of institutions manifested during the Hasmonean period that will significantly impact the near future of the Jewish community including the formal recognition of various Jewish sects, the Pharisees, Sadducees and Essenes,[52] as well as the advancement of the Sanhedrin.[53] The despotic leaders during the Hasmonean period undoubtedly enhanced Pharisaic popularity and diminished Sadducaic influence with critical Messianic ramifications.[54] Finally, the introduction of Antipater and his lineage into the dismal ending of the Hasmonean rule exemplifies the “invincible grip of Rome’s conquering hand from which they were destined never to escape as an independent nation.”[55]

Roman Period

The Roman general Pompey unsuccessfully attempted to settle the dispute between the two Hasmonean brothers, Aristobulus II and Hyrcanus II, and sieged Jerusalem in 63 B.C.[56] After fourteen years of rule, a rivalry between Pompey and Julius Caesar culminated in a civil war.[57] The opportunistic Antipater allied with Caesar whose victory at the battle of Pharsalus[58] precipitated his assignment as procurator of Judea[59] and the subsequent appointment of his son, Herod the Great, to the governorship of Galilee, in reward for his allegiance.[60] Upon Caesar’s assassination in 44 B.C., Herod aligned with the opposition, Cassius, who seized command of the Syrian government[61] and offered Herod the promise of kingship of Judea.[62] However, Cassius was defeated two years later at the Battle of Philippi by Octavian and Anthony, which disingenuously propelled the calculating Herod to negotiate a bribe to procure the appointment as joint tetrarch of Judea.[63] Unfortunately for Herod, Antigonus garnered significant Jewish and Parthian support in an attempt to prolong the inevitable Hasmonean finale, and assumed the position of Judea’s High Priest and King.[64] To Herod’s amazement the Roman Senate in 39 B.C., with the approval of Antony and Octavian,[65] elected him King of Judea—“a king without a country.”[66] Undaunted by such a minor inconvenience, the ruthless Herod assembled an army, procured Roman support, sieged Jerusalem in a bloody massacre, and beheaded Antigonus.[67] Loyal to Antony, Herod’s political misalignment is once again exposed a few years later when Octavian defeats Antony at the battle of Actium.[68] Undeterred, Herod shrewdly pledged his loyalty[69]  to Rome’s inaugural Emperor[70] culminating in a confirmation of his kingship and an extended empire,[71] after exemplifying the audacity and fierceness necessary to cultivate Augustus’ legacy of Pax Romana.[72]

Pax Romana

“May it be my privilege to establish the republic safe and sound on its foundations, gathering the fruit of my desire to be known as author of the ideal constitution, and taking with me to the grave the hope that the basis which I have laid will be permanent,” were the words of Octavian, now Augustus Caesar, laying his claim to history as recorded by the Roman historian Suetonius.[73] Herod’s administrative prowess, though vicious and malevolent, complemented the vision of Augustus with his ability to avoid unnecessary wars, construct and rebuild Palestine’s infrastructure,[74] and fortify the nation’s defense.[75] Upon Herod’s death, his three sons, Archelaus, Herod Antipas and Herod Philip were to become heirs to his kingdom, dividing their rule into Judea as well as Samaria and Idumea, Galilee and Perea, and Trachonitis and adjacent regions respectively.[76] Archelaus was banished quickly; however, both Herod Antipas and Herod Philip’s leadership extended into much of Jesus’ life on earth.[77]

Herod aligned with Rome’s first Emperor, Augustus Caesar, through much of his reign.[78] A leader whose influence extended far beyond the Palestine territory,[79] Augustus ushered in an era of “domestic peace and union [that] were the natural consequences of the moderate and comprehensive policy embraced by the Romans”[80] that became known as Pax Romana.[81] The distinguished achievements of Augustus’ fifty-six year reign[82] broadened the Roman Empire, utilized client states to defend its boundaries,[83] negotiated peace with Parthia through successful diplomatic initiatives,[84] and engineered incredible advances in domestic affairs.[85]

The mighty impact of Pax Romana on the first century world of the New Testament cannot be underestimated as introduced by Church Father Eusebius of Caesarea:

But when that instrument of our redemption, the thrice holy body of Christ, which proved itself superior to all Satanic fraud, and free from evil from both in word and deed, was raised, at once for the abolition of ancient evils, and in token of his victory over the power of darkness; the energy of these evil spirits was at once destroyed. The manifold forms of government, the tyrannies and republics, the siege of cities, and devastation of countries caused thereby, were now no more, and one God was proclaimed to all mankind. At the same time one universal power, the Roman empire, arose and flourished, while the enduring and implacable hatred of nation against nation was now removed, and as the knowledge of one God, and one way of religion and salvation, even the doctrine of Christ, was made known to all mankind; so at the self-same period, the entire dominion of the Roman empire being vested in a single sovereign, profound peace reigned throughout the world. And thus, by the express appointment of the same God, two roots of blessing, the Roman empire, and the doctrine of Christian piety, sprang up together for the benefit of man.[86]

The Church Father Origen of Alexandria expands the application of Eusebius with his observation of God’s Divine Providence:

For righteousness has arisen in His days, and there is abundance of peace, which took its commencement at his birth, God preparing the nations for His teaching, that they might be under one prince, the king of the Romans, and that it might not, owing to the want of union among the nations, caused by the existence of many kingdoms, be more difficult for the apostles of Jesus to accomplish the task enjoined upon them by their Master, when He said, ‘Go and teach all nations.’ Moreover it is certain that Jesus was born in the reign of Augustus, who, so to speak, fused together into one monarchy the many populations of the earth. Now the existence of many kingdoms would have been a hindrance to the spread of the doctrine of Jesus throughout the entire world; not only for the reasons mentioned, but also on account of the necessity of men everywhere engaging in war, and fighting on behalf of their native country, which was the case before the times of Augustus, and in periods still more remote, when necessity arose, as when the Peloponnesians and Athenians warred against each other, and other nations in like manner. How, then, was it possible for the Gospel doctrine of peace, which does not permit men to take vengeance even upon enemies, to prevail throughout the world, unless at the advent of Jesus a milder spirit had been everywhere introduced into the conduct of things?[87]

From the moment of the Immaculate Conception, the rapid deployment of the Gospel message was made physically possible by the environment effectuated by the Roman Empire.[88]

Conclusion

Beginning with Alexander the Great we see God’s Divine Providence colorfully illuminated through the prophecy of Daniel; however, the more prominent intervention may have been the dispersion of the Jews, who soon become the infrastructure supporting communication lines from Judea, Samaria and beyond. Under Ptolemaic rule Jewish scholars produced the Septuagint which divinely glued the dispersed Jews together in order to potentially become instruments of the Gospel. The brutal Seleucid atmosphere continued to grow the Jewish Diaspora, while simultaneously deepening a monotheistic identity that produced Maccabean courage and extended the hope of freedom to a Jewish community which foreshadowed the transcendent Messianic liberty. Finally, the Hasmoneans ushered in a Roman Empire that provided an “environment for the church to carry out her mission.”[89]

Four hundred years of Divine orchestration living within a supposed antithetical consonance and dissonance of cultural settings and political events resolved into a symphonic Message of hope extended “to the ends of the earth.”[90]

           

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[1]. D. S. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod (Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1967), 1-2.

[2]. John Stevenson, “The Intertestamental Period,” www.angelfire.com/nt/theology / 15-400sy.html (accessed February 20, 2010).

[3]. Raymond F. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period (St. Louis, London: Concordia Publishing House, 1975), 17.

[4]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 3.

[5]. Thomas D. Lea, and David Alan Black, The New Testament its Background and Message, 2nd ed. (Nashville, Tennessee: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2003), 13.

[6]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 10.

[7]. Ibid., 14-15.

[8]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 20-21.

[9]. Ibid., 21.

[10]. Stevenson, The Intertestamental Period,” http://www.angelfire.com/nt/theology /15-400sy.html.

[11]. Lea and David Alan Black, The New Testament its Background and Message, 15.

[12]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 21-22.

[13]. Donald E. Gowan, Bridge Between the Testaments: A Reappraisal of Judaism from the Exile to the Birth of Christianity, 3rd Rev. ed. (Allison Park, Pennsylvania: Pickwick Publications, 1986), 61-62.

[14]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 18-19.

[15]. Ibid., 20.

[16]. Ibid., 19.

[17]. Ibid., 17.

[18]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 27.

[19]. Gowan, Bridge Between the Testaments, 67.

[20]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 31.

[21]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 29.

[22]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 38-39.

[23]. Stevenson, The Intertestamental Period,” http://www.angelfire.com/nt/theology / 15-400sy.html.

[24]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 39.

[25]. Stevenson, The Intertestamental Period,” http://www.angelfire.com/nt/theology / 15-400sy.html.

[26]. Gowan, Bridge Between the Testaments: A Reappraisal of Judaism from the Exile to the Birth of Christianity, 80.

[27]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 27.

[28]. Ibid., 31.

[29]. Gowan, Bridge Between the Testaments: A Reappraisal of Judaism from the Exile to the Birth of Christianity, 80.

[30]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 33.

[31]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 43-45.

[32]. Ibid., 45.

[33]. Gowan, Bridge Between the Testaments: A Reappraisal of Judaism from the Exile to the Birth of Christianity, 81.

[34]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 35.

[35]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 52.

[36]. Gowan, Bridge Between the Testaments: A Reappraisal of Judaism from the Exile to the Birth of Christianity, 83-84.

[37]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 57.

[38]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 38.

[39]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 57-58.

[40]. Gowan, Bridge Between the Testaments: A Reappraisal of Judaism from the Exile to the Birth of Christianity, 86.

[41]. Ibid.

[42]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 58-59.

[43]. Ibid., 62.

[44]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 40-41.

[45]. Gowan, Bridge Between the Testaments: A Reappraisal of Judaism from the Exile to the Birth of Christianity, 90.

[46]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 73-74.

[47]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 42-43.

[48]. Ibid., 43.

[49]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 76-77.

[50]. Ibid.

[51]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 43.

[52]. Gowan, Bridge Between the Testaments: A Reappraisal of Judaism from the Exile to the Birth of Christianity, 90.

[53]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 43.

[54]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 71.

[55]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 43-44.

[56]. Ibid., 44.

[57]. Gowan, Bridge Between the Testaments: A Reappraisal of Judaism from the Exile to the Birth of Christianity, 92.

[58]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 84.

[59]. Gowan, Bridge Between the Testaments: A Reappraisal of Judaism from the Exile to the Birth of Christianity, 92.

[60]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 86.

[61]. Ibid., 86-87.

[62]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 46.

[63]. Ibid.

[64]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 87-88.

[65]. Ibid., 89.

[66]. Stevenson, The Intertestamental Period,” http://www.angelfire.com/nt/theology / 15-400sy.html.

[67]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 89.

[68]. Ibid., 93.

[69]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 46.

[70]. Lea and David Alan Black, The New Testament its Background and Message, 21.

[71]. Russell, The Jews from Alexander to Herod, 94.

[72]. Ibid.

[73]. Charles Norris Cochrane, Christianity and Classical Culture: A Study of Thought and Action from Augustus to Augustine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1974), 1.

[74]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 47.

[75]. Lea and David Alan Black, The New Testament its Background and Message, 25.

[76]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 47-48.

[77]. Lea and David Alan Black, The New Testament its Background and Message, 26.

[78]. Surburg, Introduction to the Intertestamental Period, 46.

[79]. Theodor Mommsen, A History of Rome Under the Emperors (New York, NY: Routledge, 1992), 104.

[80]. Edward Gibbon, “The Internal Prosperity in the Age of the Antonines,” in History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (n.p.: B&R Samizdat Express, n.d.), pt. III.

[81]. Lea and David Alan Black, The New Testament its Background and Message, 21.

[82]. Mommsen, A History of Rome Under the Emperors, 79.

[83]. Ibid., 104-15.

[84]. Ibid., 107.

[85]. Ibid., 95-104.

[86]. Eusebius Pamphilus of Caesarea, “Oration in Praise of Constantine,” Retrieved from http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/2504.htm.  Ch.16, 3-4.

[87]. Origen, “Contra Celsus, Book II,” Retrieved from http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/04162.htm. Ch.30.

[88]. Henry Thompson Rowell, Rome in the Augustan Age (Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962), 230.

[89]. Seyoon Kim, Christ and Caesar: The Gospel and the Roman Empire in the Writings of Paul and Luke (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 2008), 179.

[90]. Acts 1:8 (New International Version).

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Carson, D. A. An Introduction to the New Testament. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2005.

Cochrane, Charles Norris. Christianity and Classical Culture: A Study of Thought and Action from Augustus to Augustine. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1974.

Eusebius Pamphilus of Caesarea. “Oration in Praise of Constantine.” http://www.newadvent.org /fathers/2504.htm.

Gibbon, Edward. “The Internal Prosperity in the Age of the Antonines.” In History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. N.p.: B&R Samizdat Express, n.d.

Gowan, Donald E. Bridge between the Testaments: A Reappraisal of Judaism from the Exile to the Birth of Christianity. 3rd ed. Allison Park, PA: Pickwick, 1986.

Henry Thompson Rowell. Rome in the Augustan Age. Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma, 1962.

Kim, Seyoon. Christ and Caesar: The Gospel and the Roman Empire in the Writings of Paul and Luke. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 2008.

Lea, Thomas D., and David Alan Black. The New Testament its Background and Message. 2nd ed. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, 2003.

Mommsen, Theodor. A History of Rome under the Emperors. New York, NY: Routledge, 1992.

Origen. “Contra Celsus, Book II.” http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/04162.htm.

Russell, D. S. The Jews from Alexander to Herod. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1967.

Stevenson, John. “The Intertestamental Period.” http://www.angelfire.com/nt/theology/15-400sy.html.

Surburg, Raymond F. Introduction to the Intertestamental Period. St. Louis, London: Concordia, 1975.